“…In fact, Marx understood that wage workers often had little to no self-conscious understanding of their class position – that is, they could not be said to constitute a ‘class for itself’. Nevertheless, Marx argued, those workers are still defined by their objective class position since workers in fact have a distinct culture, lifestyle and habits, and share a ‘common situation and common interests’, even before they become a self-aware class ‘for itself’ (Berberoglu 2009: 21).…”
Section: Cooperatives and Class Consciousness: Resolving Divisions Inmentioning confidence: 99%
“…Thus, a key element in challenging the reality of class exploitation is the process of a working ‘class-in-itself’ mobilizing into a ‘class-for-itself’ – which involves a process of class struggle. When a social class attains ‘full consciousness of its interests and goals and engages in the common political activity in pursuit of its class interest’ (Berberoglu 2009: 21), the class-in-itself transforms into a ‘class-for-itself’, with associated political potential. In other words, class position is ‘not of itself sufficient’ because the further requirement ‘consists of class struggle, for through this process the unity of interest that workers share is made manifest’ (Levin 1980: 501).…”
Section: Cooperatives and Class Consciousness: Resolving Divisions Inmentioning confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
Ji
1
2019
To shed light on polarized perspectives regarding the virtues or downfalls of worker cooperatives among variants of Marxists, this article focuses on Marx’s own Janus-faced analysis of worker cooperatives. Marx had great faith in the radical potential of worker cooperatives, properly organized and politically oriented, but he also was greatly critical of the tendency of cooperatives to shrink their political horizons and become isolated from broader labor movements. Although thinkers in the Marxist tradition criticize worker cooperatives when they operate as isolated circles of ‘collective capitalists’ within the existing capitalist system, Marx himself saw important potential in the cooperative movement, to the extent that it was integrated into broader campaigns for social change. Marx believed that cooperatives could help point the way to an alternative system of free and equal producers, and could prompt radical imaginings among their advocates, but only to the extent that cooperative practitioners recognized the need for class-conscious, industrial scale organizing of workers against the capitalist system. In the end, Marx did not so much focus on promoting a certain type of labor organization as being most conducive to transformation (e.g. worker cooperatives or labor unions). Rather, he focused more on the importance of class consciousness within labor organizing, and on the development of radicalized class consciousness among workers, whether through the expansion of labor unions, worker cooperatives, or any other institution of worker empowerment. It is the nature of a labor institution’s focus on developing and sustaining class consciousness, not the nature of the labor institution itself (i.e. cooperative or union), that Marx believed to most powerfully shape the radical or degenerative tendencies of local forms of labor activism.
“…In fact, Marx understood that wage workers often had little to no self-conscious understanding of their class position – that is, they could not be said to constitute a ‘class for itself’. Nevertheless, Marx argued, those workers are still defined by their objective class position since workers in fact have a distinct culture, lifestyle and habits, and share a ‘common situation and common interests’, even before they become a self-aware class ‘for itself’ (Berberoglu 2009: 21).…”
Section: Cooperatives and Class Consciousness: Resolving Divisions Inmentioning confidence: 99%
“…Thus, a key element in challenging the reality of class exploitation is the process of a working ‘class-in-itself’ mobilizing into a ‘class-for-itself’ – which involves a process of class struggle. When a social class attains ‘full consciousness of its interests and goals and engages in the common political activity in pursuit of its class interest’ (Berberoglu 2009: 21), the class-in-itself transforms into a ‘class-for-itself’, with associated political potential. In other words, class position is ‘not of itself sufficient’ because the further requirement ‘consists of class struggle, for through this process the unity of interest that workers share is made manifest’ (Levin 1980: 501).…”
Section: Cooperatives and Class Consciousness: Resolving Divisions Inmentioning confidence: 99%
Ji
1
2019
To shed light on polarized perspectives regarding the virtues or downfalls of worker cooperatives among variants of Marxists, this article focuses on Marx’s own Janus-faced analysis of worker cooperatives. Marx had great faith in the radical potential of worker cooperatives, properly organized and politically oriented, but he also was greatly critical of the tendency of cooperatives to shrink their political horizons and become isolated from broader labor movements. Although thinkers in the Marxist tradition criticize worker cooperatives when they operate as isolated circles of ‘collective capitalists’ within the existing capitalist system, Marx himself saw important potential in the cooperative movement, to the extent that it was integrated into broader campaigns for social change. Marx believed that cooperatives could help point the way to an alternative system of free and equal producers, and could prompt radical imaginings among their advocates, but only to the extent that cooperative practitioners recognized the need for class-conscious, industrial scale organizing of workers against the capitalist system. In the end, Marx did not so much focus on promoting a certain type of labor organization as being most conducive to transformation (e.g. worker cooperatives or labor unions). Rather, he focused more on the importance of class consciousness within labor organizing, and on the development of radicalized class consciousness among workers, whether through the expansion of labor unions, worker cooperatives, or any other institution of worker empowerment. It is the nature of a labor institution’s focus on developing and sustaining class consciousness, not the nature of the labor institution itself (i.e. cooperative or union), that Marx believed to most powerfully shape the radical or degenerative tendencies of local forms of labor activism.
“…Imperialism and global capitalism are the inevitable consequences of the 20th-century monopoly capitalism. Globalization is a new form of imperialism or an element inherent in imperialism (Berberoglu, 2009); (Sakellaropoulos, 2009). Some of the characteristics of the new imperialism include War that never ends, the existence of geographical boundaries, and has a specific purpose.…”
Section: Nationalism In the Globalization Eramentioning confidence: 99%
“…The labour movement, anti-imperialist movements, civil rights fighters, women, students, the environment, anti-war, and peace movements all contributed to the development of the antiglobalization movements that arose in the early 21st and late 20 th centuries (Berberoglu, 2009). Resistance or criticism of globalization has more to do with economic globalization and its impacts.…”
Section: Nationalism In the Globalization Eramentioning confidence: 99%
Murdiono
1
,
Wuryandani
2
2021
j.civics
This study aims to describe nationalism education foryoung Indonesiangeneration in the globalizationera. This is descriptive qualitative research conducted in several Senior High Schools.The datawere collectedthrough interviews, observation, and documentation. The research subjects were Civic Education teachers in Yogyakarta Province and students who attendedthe CivicEducationclasses.Thecollected datawerethenanalyzedwith theinductive analysis technique. The resultsrevealedtwo nationalism education models for the young generation in the globalization era: promoting nationalism through Civic Education and extracurricular activities.Teachers promotenationalism by developing learning methods, learning materials,learningmedia,andstudent worksheets incorporating nationalismvalues. Meanwhile, extracurricular activities in schools were carried out through activitiesthat promote nationalism.
“…The pages of this journal have recently explored the nature of class politics in globalization (Berberoglu, 2009;Kollmeyer, 2003;and Sakellaropoulos, 2009), the reconceptualization of globalization through a gender lens (Acker, 2004;Gottfried, 2004;and Ng, 2004), the impact of globalization on workers (Archibald, 2009a(Archibald, , 2009b and the way the rhetoric of the core penetrates other regions of a globalizing economy (Barahona, 2011). Robinson's article, and the critical exchange between Robinson and commentators in this issue, shifts our attention away from what we mean by globalization and its impact, and towards the question of who now manages this new global economy and what that means.…”
mentioning confidence: 99%
Fasenfest
1
2012
Critical Sociology
In this issue of the journal, William Robinson offers his analysis of the rise of transnational elites emerging outside of the traditional frame of nation-based capitalism. What is significant, in large part, is that unlike their national-capital predecessors, this new cadre has little concern for all that we refer to as social reproduction, industrialization, and local development. In its place, argues Robinson, are elites guided by a definition of global development rooted in the expansion of global markets and the integration of national economies into a global capitalist reality. This picture is a logical extension of a narrative that takes capitalism from a period of internationalization to globalization, and while the distinction between these two periods of capitalist development remains somewhat unclear we can agree significant changes are underway.The pages of this journal have recently explored the nature of class politics in globalization
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